The second concept pertains to resource mobilization, which shows how converging US and Thai discourses on military security facilitated Thaksin’s strategy of increased state repression that led to the proliferation of state-led human rights abuses. The first concept refers to strategic localization, which refers to how the Bush administration’s global war on terror-and its consequent overarching emphasis on military security-provided an opportunity for the Thaksin administration to strategically localize the global threat of terrorism in ways that could seem relevant to the local Thai context.
Solanas was viewed as too mentally ill and too bound up with Warhol, according to Greer, 'for her message to come across unperverted.' According to Prof. According to Winkiel, although Solanas was 'outraged' at the women's movement's 'appropriation' of the Manifesto, 'the shooting of Warhol represented the feminist movement's righteous rage against patriarchy' and Dunbar and considered the Manifesto as having initiated a 'revolutionary movement', Atkinson (according to Rich) calling Solanas the 'first outstanding champion of women's rights' and probably (according to Greer) having been 'radicalized' by the language of the Manifesto to leave the (NOW), and (according to Winkiel) women organized in support of Solanas. 'convinced that a women's revolution had begun', forming with a program based on the Manifesto. Harding views the SCUM Manifesto as an 'extension, not the source, of performative acts, even a violent one act like the shooting of Warhol.' Winkiel argues that revolutionary moved to the U.S.
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